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AN ADDRESS 



ON THE 



NECESSITY, USES, AND ADVANTAGES OF AFFORDING TO THE 

LABOURING CLASSES, THE MEANS OF ACQUIRING GENERAL, 

SCIENTIFIC, MORAL, AND POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE ; 



DELIVERED AT THE 



WHITEHAVEN MECHANICS' INSTITUTION, 



ON 



The 12th, and again on the 19 th and 20th of June, 1832, 



EY 



<*• i 



GEORGE \%EATLEY. 



X 



" The Truth against the World:' 

Old Proverb. 



>i WHITEHAVEN: 
PRINTED BY JAMES COOK, 114, QUEEN STREET, 
AND SOLD BY J. W. CALLANDER, MARKET PLACE, 
MDCCCXXXII. 






JOSEPH HUME, ESQUIRE, 

Member of Parliament for the County of Middlesex. 

Sir, 

Seeing what your principles have been ; seeing what 
your conduct has been : your principles and conduct entitle you to 
the esteem of the people, enhanced as your title is, by the work 
forthcoming, under your auspices — the People's Encyclopedia — 
based on the principle of universal knowledge for all men. 

In inscribing to you this effort to promote the good of my fel- 
low countrymen, permit me to bear testimony to the value of your 
services in the common cause : at the same time, I take the oppor- 
tunity, of acknowledging the kindness and assistance of my brother 
members of the Whitehaven Mechanics' Institution, and of other 
friends, at whose request this address has been published. 

With all sincerity, 

Sir, 

I am your obedient servant, 

GEORGE WHEATLEY. 
1st July, 1832. 



1^ 



>2> 



ADDRESS. 



Brother Members and Friends, 

During his earthly pilgrimage—within the last few days, his 
spirit hath winged its way to immortality — Jeremy Bentham said, 
" If deception be not a man's object, he cannot make known too early 
the end he is endeavouring to lead his hearers to." 

Myself a disciple of the Benthamite school of philosophy, I profit 
by the precept and the example of our revered master and friend. 

It is proposed to teach the labouring classes general, scientific, 
moral, and political knowledge : — Shall they be taught ? I say— yes. 

Shall prohibition be put on their learning the whole, or any part, 
of any branch of human knowledge ? I say — no. 

In few words has been made known my object : hear what may 
be said in favour of its acceptance by otfee*s. 

The examination of the subject will be Conducted on the principle 
of, " try all things, hold fast that which is good ." 

First, will be spoken of — Mechanics' Institutions, locally and 
generally, their origin, objects, and causes of failure : similarly 
treated will be the tendency, faults, and causes of failure, of the 
Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge: then will be noticed, 
the state of education in general, especially^as relates to the labouring 
classes : next will be spoken of, those things relating to rudimental 
schools, and especially to schools for grown up persons, namely. 
Mechanics' Institutions, pointing out the principle on which they 
ought to be formed and conducted; — recommending the system of 
universal knowledge, in the formation of Mechanics' Libraries; — the 
formation of News Rooms; — and of Societies for the discussion of moral 
and political philosophy by the labouring classes : in conclusion, reply- 
ing to the arguments advanced against the labouring classes being 
taught moral, and political, as well as scientific knowledge. 

Knowledge having been had of the Mechanics' Institution estab- 
lished at Whitehaven, a detail of its transactions and affairs will be 
given as generally illustrative of the system. 

The means of instruction for the labouring classes being so 
small, when institutions, having that end in view, fall into decay, or 
altogether fail, it is greatly to be regretted. Indeed, so great is the 
demand for popular instruction, and so scanty are the means of sup- 
ply, whether looking back upon the past, or looking forward to the 
time to come, the drying up of any channel, however small, cannot 
but be deemed a serious evil. Seeing the great need there is of all 
kinds of information for the labouring classes, by the course of events 
now called upon to take a part in that which hitherto has been con- 
fined to the few — -especially at such a period, in the light of a serious 
evil, is to be viewed, the decayed state of Mechanics' Institutions. 

B 



Of the Whitehaven Mechanics' Institution which has largely 
partaken of the general decay, some account will be given, in order 
to a discovery of the root of the evil that has so injuriously affected 
it and others ; and having found it out, to attempt the application of 
a cure. 

The Whitehaven Mechanics' Institution was formed in 1825, at 
a period when a great effort was made to instruct the labouring classes. 
The Institution was set on foot by the labouring classes, aided by 
their wealthier neighbours. In money, nearly one hundred pounds 
were collected : considerable gifts of books made : a library was 
formed: and there were enrolled twenty- five life members, and one 
hundred and thirty-four annual members. Life members were ad- 
mitted by a payment of two guineas. A yearly subscription of eight 
shillings constituted an annual member. Besides, by payment of 
four shillings yearly, young men of eighteen, and by payment of two 
shillings yearly, boys of fourteen were admitted to the benefits of the 
Institution, having the use of the library, and permission to attend 
classes and lectures. The subscriptions were payable yearly, half- 
yearly, or quarterly, according to convenience. But, life and annual 
members, alone, transacted the business of the Society. 

Of the honorary officials nothing needs be said : they consisted 
of the usual numbers of such appendages, the lumber materials of 
all societies, generally proving themselves to be drawbacks on those 
projects, it has been mistakenly supposed, they are, that they ought 
at least, to promote. 

Constituted in the way spoken of, with a large fund in hand, 
and with considerably more than a hundred yearly subscriptions, pro, 
ducing an income of between fifty and sixty pounds, there were fair, 
even sanguine prospects of success, which unfortunately has not 
been realized. 

For want of success, various causes may be assigned. Jealousy, 
(well or ill founded), of interference by labourers, of non-labourers. 
Jealousy of labourers by each other. Too numerous an acting body, 
the committee at first consisting of no less than thirty-three members. 
Perhaps, that the expectations formed of the advantages to be derived 
from the Institution, were not found to answer. Last, not least, the 
depression of the times, which made the sparing of a trifle, in many 
cases, a hardship, in very many, an impossibility. 

However it may have been, so it is, that the Whitehaven Insti- 
tution has shown symptoms of that lethargy, the forerunner of disso- 
lution; the yearly subscription, and those got with difficulty, amount- 
ing to little more than the unavoidable current expenses. 

Latterly, indeed, the decline may be owing to, certainly it has 
been hastened by the indifference of the first promoters of the Insti- 
tution, besides the operation of the causes indicated. A year or two 
ago, would have been to be taken into account of evil operating 
causes, the hostility of the enemies of the diffusion, of any, and of all 
kinds of knowledge. Some time a^o, that hostility had been struck 
down: at the period spoken of, it was not, but now it is powerless : 
it has been mentioned, for the purpose of saying so : for treating it 
as a mockery : chiefly, for signalising one more glorious victory of 
that imperishable principle, " the truth against the world," over igno, 
runce, bigotry, and selfishness. 



/ 



3 

The component parts of the Whitehaven Institution have been 
sketched; next, are to be considered the views of the Society, which 
were, to afford the means of reading scientific books connected with 
their trades, but which the labouring classes could not buy of them- 
selves ; to promote the delivery of lectures on mechanical and scien- 
tific subjects, not, however, to the exclusion of the fine arts; and 
especially for the forming and meeting together of classes for mutual 
instruction, in various branches of scientific knowledge. 

In strictness, the funds were to be laid out in the buying of scien- 
tific books, though not to the exclusion of such works of general liter- 
ature as were likely to convey useful knowledge — a vague term, and 
as since, and even then used, a grossly deceptive term. 

In deference, (in an evil hour paid), to the prejudices of some, 
and to the hostility of others, of the class of honorary officials, to guard 
against the creeping in of things offensive to such persons, by special 
clauses were forbidden, the discussion of, and the admission of all 
books on, for the labouring classes, the damnable matters of politics, 
and the heretical doctrines of theology. 

From the necessarily short statement given, at once will be seen, 
the4nnocent tendency of the objects of the Whitehaven Institution, 
and of all similar Institutions. Yet the formation of such Institutions 
provoked the hostility, may be truly said, the unprincipled hostility, of 
unfriends, carefully as such Institutions were preserved from the 
alarming contamination of politics and theology. Besides hostility, 
fettered in the way indicated, Mechanics' Institutions had to contend 
with difficulties inseparable from a system such as they were founded 
upon, a system having some good for its end, but not all the good 
that might be done — a prohibition, as much, if not more than hosti- 
lity, causing ruin to all such Institutions. 

Mechanics' Institutions, with details suited to circumstances, 
pretty much resembled each other. 

An incident related in the life of Robert Burns, probably gave 
rise to the formation of Mechanics' Institutions. In the life of that 
gifted being, not an iota of which is without its interest, inasmuch as, 
from beginning to end, it is the history of genius triumphantly burst- 
ing asunder the bonds of adversity and poverty, and by its natural 
worth and vigour, rising, " o'er a' the ills o' life victorious," to im- 
mortality — at once an incentive, and an example to the lowest : in 
his life is given, an account of that which with singular propriety may 
be called— a travelling library — passing, as it did, from hand to 
hand, and formed by the contributions of a few neighbours, living 
within the limits of a parish. Mechanics' Institutions are societies 
after this fashion, though formed on an enlarged scale, regarding 
books, with additional facilities for conveying instruction, otherwise 
than by books, namely, by lectures, and by classes formed for mutual 
instruction. 

One person, to whom falls no small share of consideration, takes 
credit to himself for having originated the system. William Birbeck 
is meaned. Whether or no he is the originator, matters little, seeing, 
that is due to him the merit, and no mean merit it is, of having trans- 
planted from a foreign land an useful plant, for use at home. 

It would be unjust to pass over the claims of one other indivi- 
dual : for, though it may be that he adopted the notion, yet he gave 



4 

it that expansive turn — by his great and varied ability, it was so 
moulded, and to it he lent the sanction of his name, so as almost to 
make it his own : certainly, he insured its popular acceptance. Is 
meaned, as he then was, Henry Brougham; as he now is, the Lord 
Brougham and Vaux ; to whom, for impulse given, this tribute to 
the merits of the man is paid ; but of whom, for not having given all 
the impulse that might be given, justice, and truth, demand arraign- 
ment at that bar, (whence comes unscathed no guilly man), the tri- 
bunal of public opinion. 

No question, the intention of Mechanics' Institutions was good; 
but the system was bad, unwittingly, or designedly. By the pro* 
moters of Mechanics' Institutions a general view was concurred in — 
the spreading of what they put forth as useful knowledge ; but 
knowledge confined to the sciences, relating to trades, and manufac- 
tures. The error in the system of Mechanics' Institutions was, in 
making a part to stand for the whole of useful knowledge. 

In truth, useful knowledge means, whatever is called into use, in 
all the concerns and relations of life, morally, as well as physically ; 
for instance, 'physically, regarding the means of learning how to live, 
and having relation to the business of life : morally, regarding the 
learning of the rules which guide men in their conduct towards their 
fellow men, and having relation to their duties as members of society 
— in its true sense, this is the meaning of useful knowledge. 

Man, however he may debase himself, is, we all know, not 
merely a machine, but a thinking being as well. And surely, than 
to learn to live, man has a nobler part to learn ; and if he hath more, 
as surely he hath, than to live, and die, like the beasts of the field — 
why was mere science, as applied to the arts of life, held out, and 
taught, as all the useful knowledge necessary? Stopping far short 
of the end, this was the grand error; and, in aiming at human per- 
fection, let no one fancy vainly, he can overdo, for aim he ever so 
high, from his nature he must fall short of the mark. 

Mischievous in the extreme, was the arguing of the question of 
the formation of Mechanics' Institutions, not as one of right of all 
men to universal knowledge. It was argued, as one of expediency : 
prejudiced opposition was smoothed down : hostility conciliated, at an 
immense sacrifice to the labouring classes. 

Besides, the weak, vain, and wicked deferring to the operation 
of evil, and as one of its consequences, the labouring classes were 
taught, to look up overmuch for help, and not taught to depend on 
themselves, for giving effect eveu to the part for the whole system. 

Hence, was produced, distrust between leaders and led. Hence 
arose that apathy, the invariable consequence of causing reliance 
to be placed in others doing that, which, if it is to be done, must 
be done by one's self. And, though something was given, it was 
given grudgingly; for that was held out as a gift, which was a right. 

From the errors in principle, and detail, which have been 
pointed out, the failure of Mechanics' Institutions was obvious. — 
The scheme was purely for the people, and if done effectually, 
it was to be done through their agency solely. In great degree, 
the efficient power was made passive, when it should have been made 
most active, failure the result; a popular object was lost, because not 
made dependent on popularity. 



Not made wiser by the failure of schools in the nature of Mecha* 
xrics' Institutions, the advocates of a part for the whole of knowledge, 
set about supplying the deficiency, in a somewhat different manner, 
but on the same principle precisely, and the result was, the formation 
of the Society for the Diffusion of useful Knowledge. 

The principle of the Society was a part for the whole of know- 
ledge; but instead of its members subscribing funds for popular 
instruction, with a knowledge that the labouring classes had no money 
to pay for instruction, the egregious blunder was committed, of ex- 
pecting a poverty-stricken people to maintain the Society, not indeed 
by a penny subscription, but by buying the tracts the Society should 
publish ;— to be sure, the tracts, as being of small price, were not dear 
bargains for the intended purchasers, provided only, they could afford 
to buy, and when bought, could read and understand them. 

The Society professed to fill the gap made by the failure of Me- 
chanics' Institutions, but not a step further did they go. Acting on 
the prohibitive system, of a part for the whole, they immediately pub- 
lished a great many tracts, chiefly on scientific subjects — a sprinkling 
of biography — some history, a history of Greece preposterously enough, 
for the English labouring classes ignorant of that of their own country. 
Their scheme was to supply popular instruction, which some of the 
members by other means had before undertaken and failed in. The 
communication of science was their sole aim, — to instruct the labour- 
ing classes in morals and politics was no part of their scheme, — and 
in this was the reservation — a seeming to go onwards, and yet a hold- 
ing back; in fact, theirs was the part of the wagoner whipping his 
horses, and slily fastening the drag on the wagon going up hill. 

The Society's tracts have been pronounced, by competent judges, 
to be faulty, but they are perhaps on the whole well enough. The 
misfortune was, and still is, the matter is scientific, and treated in a 
repulsively scientific manner, of course generally unintelligible, if 
not altogether unpalatable. 

Failing in their professed object, the conveying of popular know- 
ledge in a popular way, a failure at the eleventh hour confessed, by 
an attempt to remedy it when it was too late : failing thus, did not 
speak much for the appropriate aptitude of the Society for their volun- 
teer task, saying nothing of the shameful reservation of that know- 
ledge, of which there was the great need — moral and political phi- 
losophy. 

Looking at the object in view, the Society was unhappy in their 
choice of means every way ; true it is, part of the way they travelled 
the right road ; they set out in the right direction ; but very soon 
they mistook the path, and not that only, but they hung out sign- 
posts no one could read. 

It would be strange if the Society had done no good. Some 
good they did, and in this waj r , — their cheap tracts caused the publi- 
cation of cheap books ; but books, however cheap, above the means 
of the many to buy. May be instanced, the interesting journal of 
Richard and John Lander, in three nice little volumes, at a price 
something like reasonable, which many may buy; but in the old way 
of publishing, a big book, and a dear one — a work not to be thought 
of by the many. 



6 

Besides affording an instance of the indirect good done by the 
Society, the journal of the Landers is of another and deeper appli- 
cation. 

For years, the grand geographical question proposed for solu- 
tion, has been the termination of the Niger. In the attempt to solve 
it, Park, Denham, Clapperton, and their companions, save one, have 
perished. They were men of talent and education, lavishly patro- 
nised by authority, and favoured by the aristocracy; yet genius, 
talent, courage, aided by all the means and appliances wealth and 
power command, all were thrown away— the expeditions failed. 

Yet the question has been solved. By whom ? By two of the 
labouring classes, a gentleman's servant and his brother, ignorant of 
nearly all but the simple rudiments ; barely tolerated by government; 
" yet," says an intelligent writer in the Examiner, " patience and 
perseverance accomplished what science, rank, enterprize, and cou- 
rage had failed to perform, and their journal is really a superior 
production." 

One incident is well worth notice; when the two brothers had 
been seized by river pirates, and there was a talk of selling them for 
slaves, the idea of selling a white man for a slave appeared so mon- 
strous a thing to their black servants and attendants, that they bursted 
out into loud lamentations, crying, " Black man only slave!" 
What an appeal this to humanity, to put down the traffic in black 
human flesh ; what a touching instance for us to feel for others, as 
others feel for us ! Think of our black brethren across the Atlantic ! 

The example of the Landers, if it stood alone, which by hun- 
dreds and thousands of instances it does not, but if it did, of itself 
it would form an unanswerable argument for the instruction of the 
labouring classes, if for nothing else than turning their energetic intel- 
ligence to the best use for others. Instruction alone will not make 
men wise and happy ; it is merely putting them on the right road to 
wisdom and happiness : it yet has to be shown, that any one class of 
men have an exclusive right to travel that road. But to return : — 

In Mechanics 1 Institutions, in the Diffusion Society, there is a 
strong likeness of the machinery of the one to that of the other: the 
same end proposed ; a nearly similar if not an identical mean taken 
to effect it— prohibition of all kinds except scientific knowledge. Iden- 
tity so singularly coincident could scarcely be the work of chance. 
In the known fact that one mind gave impulse to both societies, ex- 
planation may be had. 

In Mechanics* Institutions, science held out as the only becom- 
ing, the only needful, object of study— by whom ? By Henry 
Brougham. 

And science, the only object inculcated by the Society, as ap- 
pears by their first treatise, explaining the nature and tendency of 
their views; and of those views, science was the beginning, the 
middle, and the end — and this first treatise written by whom ? By 
Henry Brougham. 

Now here is design, or some other thing. If not design — was it 
idiosyncrasy, a peculiar formation of mind, a monomaniac al trac- 
tion for one thing, for instance, science before all others, and for 
them ; or was it inability to travel out of a circle : or was it want of 
comprehensive vigour of mind ? Surely none of these. What then 



was it? Surely design, at first darkly hinted, but avowed from the 
outset of that second attempt, that has proved the second failure. It 
was design, and design worldly and base, insidiously working its 
own ends, under the wretchedly futile pretence of giving the labour- 
ing classes some knowledge, making it all in all, in order the more 
effectually to withdraw their minds from all contemplation of morals 
and of politics. What a sight to see, Samson " donning'* himself in 
the garments of Delilah, and with the soft-tongued voice of delusion, 
preaching " science, — mathematical science, — advantages and plea- 
sures of science ! " 

A greater than Samson said, " Man shall not live by bread alone." 
As little can he live by science. And they who would teach science 
as all the knowledge needful, calling it useful, do but make the mis- 
take they would do, who, professing to teach all things, left out science. 
The Society for the Diffusion of useful Knowledge adopted science 
for all knowledge; a child might understand failure would be a thing 
of course. 

Let attention now be turned to the state of general education, 
bearing on the subject in this way, that without elementary instruc- 
tion first had, knowledge is a sealed book. 

Since the beginning of the nineteenth century, the progress of 
education has been great in an extraordinary degree ; but that pro- 
gress, however rapid and great, is but comparative; for though, com- 
paratively speaking, few people are unable to read and write, it is to 
be feared there is still considerable deficiency in the means of even 
mere elementary instruction. 

It appears by the education returns of 1818, in a population of 
about 12,000,000, there were 24,700 endowed, unendowed, and Sun- 
day schools, at which were daily taught 675,000 children, and once a 
week 477,500 children ; total taught daily and weekly 1,152,500. Sup- 
posing, as certainly was the fact, many of the Sunday were day scho- 
lars, a deduction is to be made from the sum total, in order to show 
the number actually receiving education, which may be estimated at 
about 850,000 or 900,000 fourteen years ago. These returns are very 
incorrect, and little reliance is to be placed on them ; perhaps they 
may be a distant approximation to the truth. In 1828, that is four 
years ago, certain returns relating to education were obtained, upon 
which data it was estimated, that 1,500,000 children of the labouring 
classes were actually receiving education daily and weekly. 

The returns of the year 1828 are, it is admitted, but approxima- 
tions to the truth. There are other grounds for disputing them. — 
They were made solely by those who are and have been the notorious 
enemies of education, and as such had a sinister motive in exaggera- 
tion. And he at whose instance those returns were made, was, as 
they say of snails, drawing in his horns in regard to popularities, and 
wanted an excuse, for dropping one most obnoxious popularity — the 
education of the labouring classes; and he the false friend, — I mean 
the Lord Brougham and Vaux — pretended he had found it in the 
exaggerated statements of the enemies of education. Pitifully enough 
he excuses himself by saying, " there exists no large portion" without 
the means of instruction : on his own admission, there is some por- 
tion without. If he have any recollection of the principles on which 
he started, without selling his birthright for a mess of porridge, he is 



8 

pledged to persevere till not one child exists without the means of 
instruction. 

Now these returns are grossly false, or the labouring population 
of the South are fully educated, jvhich from individual observation 
of some extent, I know to be false, and from having school-fellows 
amongst the working clergy, that ill used body the curates of the 
Established Church, in many parts of the South, I find that their in- 
formation supports my own observation. That the labouring classes 
of the South are scarcely educated at all, is, however, a notorious 
fact which at once falsifies the returns. 

The " no large portion" it is to be feared, amounts to one fifth at 
least of the population, who are without the means of instruction ; and 
seeing that subscription schools are falling away, it may be as near 
the truth to assume the proportion at one fourth. 

To promote the elementary instruction of the labouring classes, 
two systems, of very different principles, were acted upon. 

One system, patronised by the Church of England (an exclusive 
system itself), may be called the prohibitive, because admitting to 
its advantages the children of those parents only who adopted the 
principles and observed the ceremonies of that Church. 

Now, if all the population of England were Church-goers, no 
harm could ensue from the system indicated. But they are not all 
Church-goers, and the consequence is, that in proportion to the num- 
ber of persons not Church-goers, popularly called Dissenters, just so 
many would be shut out. The practical result is this — that supoos- 
ing in a population of thirteen millions (the number of inhabitants 
assigned to England and Wales, by the population returns of 1831), 
five millions only are church-goers, eight millions would go unedu- 
cated ; that is, whatever in point of fact their numbers may be, the 
Dissenters would go uneducated. On the assumed proportions, 
nearly one-third is provided with the means of education, nearly two- 
thirds left in ignorance. And yet this system of prohibition upon eight 
in a population of thirteen millions has been called, and grossly mis- 
called, national ; the calling of it one amongst innumerable instances 
of the abuse of names, showing the necessity of narrowly looking into 
things to see that they are what they are called, for by giving things 
false names, as by making false pretences, is effected as much, if not 
more of the mischief done in the world. 

It has been shown, that if none but National schools had existed, 
nearly two-thirds of the English population would have gone unedu- 
cated. To counteract the vicious tendency of the prohibitive system, 
necessarily was to be adopted another, and that the free system. 

The principle upon which the free system has been conducted, 
is, that of the admission of children without distinction, and without 
restriction, regarding the class of religionists their parents belong to. 
Of a truth, this seems to be the right system. Here is said — educa- 
tion good for all. And here is education given to all — the door is 
closed upon none, and it is opened to all who knock. And what is 
the practical result? This — il the proportion between Church-people 
and Dissenters were changed ; if Dissenters were but one-third of the 
population, and none but schools on the free system existed — what 
the effect ? That the children of Church people would be excluded? 
Not so — for schools on the free system, as the name imports, would 



9 

be accessible to all children indifferently, their parents contributing 
towards the expense, for it cannot be expected that Dissenters should 
educate Church people gratis, any more than Church people, educate 
Dissenters— all that is, all that can be justly required is, that neither 
should be asked, much less forced, to give to that from the benefit of 
which he is excluded, by prohibition positive on the one hand, or by 
conscientious scruples on the other. In the free system is a great 
principle, not professed but practised as well. The free system is 
commonly called the British and Foreign — a name ill chosen, because 
not fully significative of its tendencies. Neither British nor Foreign 
include Ireland, and yet Ireland is not excluded, for the free system 
is for all men, nations, and languages. 

It would be besides the question, to discuss the merits of either 
the National, or British and foreign system, in detail, as mere ele- 
mentary schools at which different modes of teaching may be in use, 
and both equally good ; but whether so or not> is matter of opinion, 
and not material, as either system in full operation would effect that 
which is desired by all just and good men— general instruction. 

In the prohibitive, falsely called National system, for that would 
include all, and the greater part by it are excluded, is to be seen and 
noted the fault already pointed out, as attaching to the original for- 
mation of Mechanics' Institutions, and also to that which has been 
builded on their ruins, the Diffusion Society— that fault, a prohibitive 
system. The National School system would leave uneducated a third 
of the nation. The Diffusion Society would a half, or a quarter only, 
teach men. Hence a practical consequence is deduced, that as all 
children should be taught, so when they grow to man's estate they 
should have no bounds put upon the acquisition of knowledge, sci- 
entific, general, moral, political. 

Though all the good that might be done has not been done, a 
wonderful spread of the means of acquiring knowledge has been made 
amongst the labouring classes, which has paved the way for learning 
that which is to be learned in the great school of the world only ; 
and the formation of Mechanics' Institutions is proof that they who 
formed them deemed the groundwork— its extent they have certainly 
overrated—to be laid for learning that which is neither taught, nor 
to be learned at school. 

Reading, which is the means of understanding the thoughts of 
other men; writing, which is the means of making our own thoughts 
known to others, by certain signs forming words at length, or by figures, 
as used in arithmetic, which is meaned to be included in the word 
writing, but for shortness not expressed : reading and writing are but 
the handmaidens of knowledge, not knowledge itself — that they are 
deemed so, is a common error. Reading and writing are the means 
by which knowledge may be attained in a less imperfect degree than 
without them : and thus, what a, b, c, and pot-hooks and hangers are 
to reading and writing — reading and writing are to knowledge — the 
means, not the end. Without reading and writing it is not impossible 
to acquire knowledge ; but it must necessarily be small, contracted, 
imperfect, from the narrow field from which it is gleaned, not reaped, 
which is another strong argument, why use of the means reading and 
writing place within the power of man, should be boundless. In 
order to acquire knowledge, demands a beginning in the right way, 

D 



10 

and therefore the elements are first to be taught and learned; — but if 
nothing more is thought needful, the mere elements are of little use ; 
indeed, it is as if a man learned the use of the axe, and then laid it 
carefully away : in such a case the knowledge of the use of the instru- 
ment is of no earthly utility. 

Whether or no, more than the mere teaching of elements might 
be taught at popular schools, is a question well meriting attentive 
consideration and discussion. It is thought that much useful know- 
ledge, in its true sense, might be taught, in addition to the routine 
course pursued in the best regulated popular schools, by popular, 
meaning schools for the labouring classes. 

After they have left school, the children of the labouring classes 
have seldom an opportunity of getting even scanty information. The 
merest rudiments of any science are better than none; the veriest 
outline of the sources of general literary intelligence would be prefer- 
able to none ; making, however, no prohibition of, and giving no 
preference to, one branch of science over another. A little arithmetic, 
and a little of the science of political economy; a little mathematics, 
and a little of the sciences of morals and of politics, may well go hand 
in hand with reading and writing— why not ? Let be given a sound 
prohibitive reason, — it has not yet been given, — and it is thought it 
never can. Pass by unheeded the heartless sneer, the senseless sar- 
casm of the most sarcastic of living men, so fond to doting of his own 
" little nostrums/' stone blind to his own " big blunders." Let be 
quoted the senseless lines of the senseless poet who penned them, of 
the danger of a little learning : critics do say himself had been none 
the worse of a good deal more than he had. The ready answer to 
those who sing— 

*' Drink deep or taste not the Pierian spring! " 

is, (( they despise a little learning, not because of admiration of a 
great deal, but that they worship ignorance." Is want of capacity 
talked of amongst ragged jackets and shoeless feet? Here is the 
answer — want sharpens wit, prosperity deadens it, all the world 
through — the poorest scholar, in the poorest school, whatever else of 
the ills of life he has to suffer and struggle with, has not been cursed 
with the monopoly of poverty of mind ; bear witness in times past, 
American Benjamin Franklin, printer's lad, discoverer of electricity, 
statesman, and founder in part of American independence; Scotch 
Ferguson, the shepherd mathematician; Scotch Burns, the plough- 
man and poet ; in our own, English Richard and John Lander ; 
John Clare, labourer and poet ; — though unnamed, a countless array 
of names sprung from the labouring classes must present itself to 
every mind of common intelligence. 

To the upper classes, all the roads to all knowledge are open day 
and night. All that on their account is to be desired is, that a right 
direction should be taken. Certain it is the great schools, literally 
schools for the great, and the old universities, — the new ones, the 
London University and King's College (it is as well to name them), 
are but on trial — the great Schools and old Universities are examples 
of what is to be shunned : — time mispent and lost — mental power 
wasted and blasted — these the sums of their product 

Private education, at private schools, has regard to the useful, but 
still admits of vast improvement, though it is admitted, no mean ad- 



11 

varices have been made in keeping -pace with the wants of these im, 
proving times* And thus much of general education. 

In whatever station of life man is placed, in order to acquire 
knowledge, be it much or little, he must go to school twice. 

First school: — formerly, the beginning was at the Dame school ; 
now people go to school a stage earlier, and begin at the Infant school ; 
and so on progressively, till the rudiments have been got. At the first 
schooling, the rudiments, and the way of using them (sometimes not 
even that), are all that are learned. 

School the second, to which a man must go, if he would be know- 
ing, is that wherein he must be his own teacher. Hitherto he has been 
gaining, not knowledge, but the means of coming at it. Now he must 
apply himself — now, if ever, is he to make himself acquainted with the 
matter of knowledge. 

Arrived now to that period of life has man, when station deter- 
mines, whether, or no, if he desire it, he shall know much or little. — 
The difficulty, with most men, is the want of means to progress. 

To the wealthy, all that is needed presents itself on all sides. 

Far different is the lot of those cast in poverty. To them every 
step is an arduous difficulty. They have no command of means. 
Without help, then, here is a bar, an insurmountable obstacle, op- 
posed to the progress of the labouring classes. 

1 The want of the labouring classes after having obtained the rudi 
ments, is the means of applying their elemental knowledge; in a 
word, a school wherein grown-up persons have the means of teaching 
themselves. 

Conducted on right principles, Mechanics' Institutions present 
the means of progress to the labouring classes independently ; for by 
the union of the individually small resources of many, the materials 
of knowledge can be had for the use of all— materials which, singly, 
individuals cannot have, and which, let a man yearn for knowledge 
as a mother yearneth for her child, alone, shall he never be able to 
command — for which he may pine and embitter all that to him remains 
of life : blessed he may have been with a glimpse of the tree of know- 
ledge, but denied the fruit, overcome by that bitterness of spirit which 
hope expired creates in the human breast, — crushed by the weight of 
hat exceeding misery, he falls the victim of the selfishness of the few 
ienying knowledge to the many. 

But the right principle of conducting Mechanics' Institutions 
ias been spoken of — what is it said to be ? This — the affording to 
the labouring classes of the means of having all essential knowledge, 
This answer leads to another, and an obvious question — what is essen- 
tial knowledge said to be ? 

Essential knowledge for the labouring classes may be divided 
into two parts ; — first, that knowledge, or learning, relating to their 
trades; — second, that knowledge, or learning, relating to their stations 
in life, as members of society. 

In the words before used, and repetition here will have its use — 
essential knowledge means whatever may be made use of in all the 
concerns and relations of life — physically — morally : — physically, re- 
garding knowledge of the means of learning how to live, and having 
relation to a proper business : morally, regarding the know- 

ledge of the ru 'ring men their duty to themselves, and to their 

neighbours, in i nduct in society. 



12 

First, of that essential knowledge relating to the means by which 
a man is to live. Of the knowledge relating to business, it may be 
practical — theoretical. Oftentimes practice goes before theory with 
the labouring classes— they learn the result without learning the 
cause. The mason, the joiner, the shipwright, besides mere dexter- 
ity of hand, should have some acquaintance with mathematics, to 
give them an insight into the reason of the results which they me- 
chanically produce. Of their trades, mathematics form the theory— * 
theory is nothing more than the result of the experiences of many 
men, put into an arranged, compact system of general rules; whilst 
practice is but the experience of one individual— '-and, besides that 
the individual versed in theory can undertake works, to which practi- 
cally he may not be able to put a hand's turn—a vast advantage over 
the mere practical man — as the experience of many must be greater 
than that of one, it follows, that practice grounded on theory must be 
better than practice which has for its direction nothing but the rule 
of thumb, which is guess work. 

In like manner, the dyer, and the tanner> (of these trades merely 
by way of exemplification), ought to know something of chemistry, 
forming the theory of their respective trades, which are certain prac- 
tical combinations of vegetable and mineral matters, to produce cer- 
tain results. 

Mathematics bearing on the mason's trade, chemistry on that of 
the dyer, it is needful these two sciences be made the first objects of 
study. Of these two sciences, each having gained a competent 
knowledge, — should each rest satisfied with such his stock of know- 
ledge ? By no means. The mason should then try to muster a little 
chemistry, the dyer a little mathematics; for no man should confine 
his mind to one object, any more than his body to one position : if 
lie do, the mind like the body becomes contracted. Indeed, first 
having made himself master of the knowledge relating to his trade, 
it is the duty of every man to learn whatever else he can — he cannot 
be the worse by what he knows, but he may be a sufferer by what he 
does not know. Though the bearing of any given science on the 
trade of the shoemaker may not be very obvious* yet if he who can 
make a shoe knows something more, the chances are greatly that some 
time or other in life he is a gainer by it. 

Next follows that which is of every day use, as geography, his- 
tory, natural history, civil history of men and nations — 'then let fol- 
low the study of any knowledge the mind has a turn for. If he have 
time, a man may take the circle of the sciences — if not for the whole, 
for as much as he has spare time— and the more he knows, the more 
readily will he understand what he may be learning, and also have a 
clearer and stronger comprehension of that which is already known 
to him; for the mind, like the body, increases its strength by exer- 
cise. Undoubtedly, as before said> by the labouring classes first is 
to be acquired the knowledge relating to their trades : then follows 
whatever can be learned of what goes by the name of the strict 
sciences ; — for example, as was said by a good and deeply-knowing 
man, John Locke — all men should know something of mathematics, 
not so much to be mathematicians, as to be able to reason strictly. 
The first part of essential knowledge may be said to comprise all the 
sciences. 



13 

Whilst, however, a man is acquiring scientific knowledge, both 
time and opportunity will present themselves for turning the mind to 
that which is quite as important as science— general literature. 

Second, of that essential knowledge regarding the rules by which 
a man is to regulate his conduct as a member of society. This know- 
ledge comprises morals and politics. Moral duty is contained in that 
system of rules by which man, as an accountable being, is to regu- 
late those actions, which besides teaching the paying of obedience to 
those laws — the laws of his country neither prohibit nor enjoin : it is 
that science whicli teaches the duty man owes to himself, and to his 
neighbour^ in all the relations of life; some call it ethics, others 
moral philosophy. 

For self-government must be known, moral philosophy. And 
as for those who would be mathematicians, it is necessary to knoW" 
mathematics, (a truism every body knows); just as necessary is it 
for every citizen to know whatever relates to the constitution of the 
^k state in which he lives, in order to be a citizen, (a truism equally, 
but curiously enough one that, with a few exceptions, every body 
denies), and a good one, as defined by an orator of old, by obeying 
the laws. Must he not then know those laws, for how else can he 
obey them ? Simple as the question may seem, it is well to ask it, 
for some there are who demand obedience to, but deny knowledge of 
the law to those from whom obedience is required, and if not paid, 
they are punished. The answer is — yes : and moreover, not only 
ought the citizen to know the mere letter, but also understand the 
spirit of the laws, and the history of his country as well, that he may 
know what as a free man are his rights — a word popularly well under 
stood: what, his duties as a subject towards fellow subjects : what, 
towards those in whom has been put delegated authority over him : 
above all, that he may know what are the duties of those placed in 
authority towards him. In a word, he must be well acquainted with 
those things well understood by the word politics ; and as intimately 
connected with that same word politics, he must well know the science 
called political economy, which teaches the best mode of managing 
the affairs of a nation, as domestic economy does that of a family. 
The second part of essential knowledge may be comprised in these 
words — moral and political philosophy. 

Those fearful of what they hear, not because it is bad, but new, 
are referred to a popular treatise on moral and political philosophy, 
written by a dignitary of the established church, William Paley, whose 
authority may be admitted to justify — his work proves his conviction 
of its necessity — any connection insisted on, of moral with political 
knowledge. Reference to William Paley's book has been made, for 
the sake of well-meaning but weak people, apt to suffer their sense to 
be scared away by a phantom of their own raising — the bugbear, 
innovation. 

Tt will be seen at once, that one all-important part of human 
knowledge — religion — has not been spoken of; it has not been, how- 
ever, through forgetfulness, but design, and design for the reasons 
following : first, a feeling of impropriety in mixing up spiritual mat- 
ters with affairs purely worldly, and having no immediate reference to 
religion, further than as all things have connexion with it — a con- 
nexion best shown, not by having the word ever in the mouth, but 

£ 



14 

by that decent and serious conduct, the result and proof of the oper- 
ation of its doctrines upon the mind : and, second, because or the 
teaching of religion, in any number, are existing fit places and ap- 
propriate teachers. 

Overwhelmingly great, looking to the situation of the labouring 
classes, as may seem to be the demands made upon a man's time 
and understanding, no one thing has been insisted on but that, which 
it is the duty of one and all, whatever the station, to be acquainted 
with. 

For the reason that men should know the science bearing on 
their trades, for the same reason they should know the sciences relat- 
ing to their moral and political duties. True it may be, and is, the 
labouring classes, from their circumstances, are imperfectly acquainted 
with the learning relating to their trades, still less knowing of that 
relating to their moral and political duties: no reason this for keeping 
them in ignorance, but the contrary, and a spur to afford the means 
of improvement. 

On all sides it seems nearly agreed, something should be made 
known to the labouring classes. Some confine that something to 
mere reading and writing : others go a step farther, and define that 
something to be useful knowledge, in the shape of seieuce, and no- 
thing else. It is asked, can any reason be given, why all that can 
be known should not ?■ 

Nearly universal assent grants the necessity of imparting the first 
essential part of knowledge :-— nearly universal dissent, with excep- 
tions few but daily increasing, denies the propriety, much more the 
necessity, of imparting the second kind of essential knowledge — > 
moral and political philosophy. 

Whence springs this horribly strange, inconsistent, and mon- 
strous opinion in those already informed ? Plainly in the fears be- 
gotten of self interest, lest the mass of mankind having been made 
knowing of the right, should no longer suffer infliction of the wrong, 
by which the better and worse informed, all who are informed, as 
yet few in number, hitherto have contrived to profit at the cost of the 
rest— the ignorant. 

It can scarcely admit of doubt, that the informed few object to 
information being as equally imparted, as the nature of things admits 
of; not because knowledge, in its most extended meaning, is or can 
be bad in itself, or bad more for one than another, and no man can 
have exclusive right to it, be it ever so good as it is, but because they 
fear they may lose the advantages always arising from greater know- 
ledge, when few are knowing, and multitudes ignorant: and this 
position is proved by the fact, that when the (ew fancy they see their 
advantage in it, they are ready to instruct in that knowledge, in the 
imparting of which they conceive their advantage to lie. 

Where is to be found the man who thinks the mason or the dyer 
the worse for knowing the sciences bearing on their trades, or all 
masons or dyers knowing them ? Because such knowledge may profit 
himself as an employer, he does not object to such labourers being 
taught such knowledge. 

Possibly it may be, and likely it is otherwise amongst the masons 
and dyers. Perhaps the well instructed mason or dyer objects to the 
rest of their trades being as knowing as themselves. Perhaps they do 



15 

so. If they do, is any one willing to acknowledge himself so stupidly, 
blindly ignorant, as to confess he cannot, and does not see the motive, 
and that that motive is selfishness ? That no one has a right to any 
thing hurtful to the rest, is a thing, in the case of masons readily per- 
ceived and admitted to be wrong. For any one to assert there should 
be but one, or a few, skilful masons, the absurdity, as regards those 
having need of masons, the injustice, as regards the whole body of 
masons, are they not evident on the bare statement of the question P 

For the trade of masons, substitute the rights and duties of citi- 
zenship; it is undeniable, that as of the knowledge bearing on all 
trades, so of that knowledge relating to moral and political duties and 
rights, one or a few knowing more than the rest, is and can be no 
reason for keeping the rest in ignorance. The absurdity and injus- 
tice of the one or few skilful masons, not greater than that of few well 
informed citizens. In the latter respect, in truth, it is the depth of 
absurdity, the greatest injustice, because all men cannot be masons, 
and it is certain they must all be citizens, proving, if there be any 
such thing as proof, the right of all to know what are the rights and 
duties of citizenship. 

It comes to this, that as by denying instruction to the mason, he 
is rendered an ignorant blunderer, so by denying knowledge of his 
rights and duties, the citizen is made a slave. Ignorance of social 
rights and duties incapacitates for joinings directly or indirectly, in 
framing social rules, as effectually as ignorance of physic incapaci- 
tates a man for prescribing for himself in sickness. If ignorance of 
social rights and duties be enforced, no matter how, the result is 
slavery; for to the member or members of the slate, thus enforced, 
participation, because of the absence of fitting qualifications, is denied 
in framing the rules to regulate his or their conduct — and this, past 
contradiction, is slavery ; more or less qualified by chance, it may 
be, but still slavery ; for the rule of authority is enforced and obeyed, 
without having consented to it. 

Generally speaking, denial of the knowledge relating to social 
rights and duties, is only, in other words, propounding slavery. 

Another consequence of the denial spoken of, is a more particu- 
lar but equally conclusive application as the general one, and it is 
this, that if ignorance of political knowledge induces slavery — the 
advocates of a part for the whole of knowledge, in insisting on scien- 
tific to the exclusive denial of moral and political knowledge, do in 
fact advocate partial ignorance as regards knowledge aud regarding 
citizenship—total slavery. 

Perhaps, logically, this argument should not now be introduced ; 
but as what follows mainly depends on the principle of universal right 
to universal knowledge, I deem it best first to lay the foundation of 
that principle in the surest way I can. 

What essential knowledge is, has been shown. It now properly 
enough may be inquired — what are the means within the compass of 
the labouring classes to acquire essential knowledge ? 

Elementary instruction, it has been already shown, is still defi- 
cient. As to the means of acquiring the knowledge not taught at 
school, with even the advantages now at command, they amount to 
little more than this, that by possibility many may, whilst very many 
more can not command them. 



16 

In viewing the m£ans of elementary and subsequent instruction, 
a distinction is to be made between the labouring classes living in 
towns, commonly called mechanics, and the labouring classes living 
in the country, and called commonly agricultural labourers ; the for- 
mer, in Mechanics' Institutions are in some small measure provided ; 
but if the latter know reading and writing, very likely it is all they 
may know, for of the means of further improvement they are desti- 
tute; and unless something is done for them, from the nature of their 
situation, distance from each other preventing co-operation, they 
must continue destitute : and in the means of elementary instruction 
they are badly off. 

Some time ago, Henry Brougham attempted to introduce a system 
for giving elementary instruction to both town and country popula- 
tion, by establishing, at the public expense, parish schools wherever 
there might be a want of them ; but unfortunately, like most of his 
ameliorating schemes, this one failed. 

For teaching the rudiments to persons too poor to pay even a 
trifle for it, the parish school system was good; but in many other 
respects it was faulty, like all the plans of its proposer, in not having 
been made efficient to do all the good which might have been effected. 
Unhappily, however, for the country population, especially that of 
the South, whose state of ignorance is destitution, mentally and 
bodily, is equally alarming and distressing, the plan, as before said, 
failed. 

On the supposition that elementary instruction has been suffi- 
ciently provided, and a greater error could scarcely have been made 
as respests the country population living in the Sonth, an advance 
has been talked of by providing the country population with the 
means of further improvement, by the formation of parish libraries 
at the expense of the parish. 

The parish library scheme is understood to be one of the Lord 
Brougham and Vaux. From the nature of the plan, so far as it has 
been indicated, it would appear that the faults in the system of 
Mechanics' Institutions are to be transplanted into the parish library : 
if so, failure follows of course. 

It appears the readers of the parish library, the parish popula- 
tion, are to have no part in the management, none in the selection 
of the books : hence they will take no interest in the thing, and either 
not read at all, or have given to read books unsuitable, because above 
their understandings, or not agreeable to their tastes. 

It is certain if a man is to be invited to improve his mind, the 
inviter must neither overlook his circumstances, nor go beyond his 
powers ; still less neglect to consult his taste. All these things are 
to be considered, or the invitation will be of no use. In fact, if you 
would really confer a benefit, just leave him to act as you would 
yourself. Advise him ? Certainly — but not to the forcing of advice 
upon him. If he has sense, he will soon see if the advice be worth 
listening to. Coming from a friend, and not a master, the chances 
are it will be taken. If not, and you happen to be right, the man 
gains something — he learns a lesson from the best of teachers — ex- 
perience. Suffer him not to think and act for himself; make his free 
agency less or more passive, and inevitably are created the seeds of 
aversion, shortly and certainly producing total disgust. 



17 

Is this not so ? Ask yourselves, you who are better off in 
the world. There are those better off than you, who think they 
have a right to think and act for you. Suppose such an one, in the 
vile spirit of mischievous meddling with what is best let alone, should 
lay an embargo on your Milton and Burns, your Franklin, your 
Adam Smith, your Gibbon, your Hume, and substitute what he 
deemed proper — what would be your feelings ? Those of the labour- 
ing man to a certainty. Therefore as you would that others should 
do to you, do you so to them. The " leave us alone" system has 
rarely failed. Why has it been so rarely tried ? Let selfishness answer. 

On the system indicated parish libraries, useless to the parish 
paying for them, useless to the parish population, who will not read ; 
but not altogether useless — for useful will they be to those who have 
gotten charters for writing treatises on arts, sciences, letters : charters 
to give the impress of authority to the prohibition of all but scientific 
knowledge: charters that are waste papers if the people buy, and 
equally so if they do not ; for no charter can create popular support, 
and that support given, renders the charter waste paper ! 

If the people are excluded from an active share in the manage- 
ment of that which most concerns themselves, the best-intentioned 
plan must fail. Giving a certain sum to be spent in books, and ad- 
vice along with it, seeing that it is properly applied if need be; why 
not let the reading labouring men choose such books as they may 
agree upon among themselves? 

It is thought not likely, but certain, that they also who are able 
to use are able to choose the parish library : if they are not fit, the 
chances are against their using it after the first burst of novelty. 
What probability there would have been of the formation of the tra- 
velling library before mentioned, under the eye of the parish excise- 
man, needs little calculation. 

The management of parish libraries, it would seem, is to be 
vested in the parish authorities, and that of itself would lead to the 
prohibition of moral and political knowledge, just as effectually as if 
there were an express law for it. In a word, the parish library scheme 
is parcel of the system of expediency, not of right : it partakes hugely 
of the nature of half measures, which never do, and never did good ; 
for they defeat themselves in doing half the good aimed at; and by 
distracting attention, conciliating the weak, propitiating the knavish, 
and so creating division, all the good that might be done is indefi- 
nitely retarded. Half measures are that kind of reform which does 
A way the more unsightly parts of abuse, without tearing them up by 
the roots, and thus leaving the germs of future mischief to sprout up 
in rank and pestilent luxuriance — in due season, when pretended 
reform has lulled suspicion asleep. 

As they are unable to do it of themselves, the means should be 
provided of improving the labouring classes in all kinds of knowledge. 
Let there be Mechanics' Institutions in towns. And let there be in 
parishes Agricultural Institutions — the very word parish is enough to 
drive the labouring man away. First, however, provide elementary 
instruction, wheresoever and by whomsoever wanted. 

And how i9 this proposed scheme to be done — by imposition of 
new or application of already existing taxes? Nothing of the kind ; 
for that would be doing indirectly and by force, that which cannot 

F 



18 

be done directly and voluntarily because of poverty, which such a 
plan would not lessen, but aggravate. Such means, however, exist, 
and intended for the very purpose too. 

The income arising from charities has been calculated to amount 
to near two millions a year ; the calculation rests upon the authority 
of the Lord Brougham and Vaux. A great part of this income arises 
from charities founded for the purposes of education, — in numerous 
instances from abuse useless, and from not being suited to the wants 
of modern times, many more are of very little use. Here, then, are 
means at hand, obtained neither at the expense of the upper classes, 
nor yet by burdening the lower; and all that is asked, is, to apply 
charitable property, to all intents the property of the poor, to the 
use of the poor, doing thereby justice to them and good to all. From 
these sources, supplying the means of elementary instruction to 
the child of every poor man, besides affording to the parent, in the 
shape of Mechanics' and Agricultural Institutions, the knowledge he 
has as much need of, and equal right to, as the richest in the land. 
By this mode of application would be put in course of cultivation that 
immense tract of land now lying fallow, or if cultivated, cultivated 
for those who have, and can have not the shadow of a pretext of title 
to the land, none to its fruits — the rich. Something of the kind ap- 
plied to the parish school system was talked of, but which something, 
like other good intentions, much vaunted, indeed, but never per- 
fected, has gone to adorn — as the Spanish proverb has it — the pave- 
ment of that place, with the name of which a polite preacher never 
shocks the ears of a fashionable congregation. 

Until something be done, and in the mean time are the people 
to rest on their oars till the tide of flood sets ? Nothing of the kind* 
They are to bestir themselves, and turn their scanty means to the best 
advantage. Whatever they do, little though it be, it is so much 
gained in advance. 

To say truth, whatever is done must be done by the labouring 
classes themselves. To the giving of efficiency to whatever they do, 
they must depend on themselves, and so escape the trammels of those 
jealous of the progress of information amongst them ; and the jealous 
and the wealthy are by much too ready and willing to set bounds to 
its advance, holding up as they do the tracts of the Diffusion Society, 
and crying out — " Behold the sciences ! thus far shall ye go, and no 
further." This feeling demands another principle of conduct on the 
part of the labouring classes — and here it is. 

Whatever educational system, school, or institution it may be 
thought proper to adopt and form, let this be the moving principle — 
HELP YOURSELVES, AND HEAVEN WILL HELP YOU. 

Needs this plain and simple principle enforcing ? Learn its ap- 
plication from the French people. Had they not helped themselves, 
when would they have gotten rid of a despotism they ground to dust 
in three days, as glorious as the sun ever shone on ? 

Shall this praise stand ? It has been said the hatred of the 
French people is not against the tyranny, but the person of the 
tyrant. Such a judgment is hastily, if not inconsiderately formed. 
Kecollect that at this time the capital of France is placed under mili- 
tary law : military law is arbitrary power under another name ; in its 
eye suspicion is equivalent to condemnation : it is the law of lawless 



19 

power, its caprice is its rule : under it the press is silenced ; and 
under it no man can speak his mind without a musket and bayonet 
pointed at his breast. Great allowances are therefore to be made. But 
of the example of the French people, merely by way of showing" the 
necessity of self-reliance. 

If aught is to be done, the people must think and act for them- 
selves : their trust must be in themselves : by themselves : for them- 
selves : and there is no difficulty their united energy cannot overcome, 
as the events of the past month in this country hath abundantly con- 
vinced the world. 

Somewhat now of the detail pertaining to Mechanics' Institutions. 

In the library of a Mechanic's Institution, it must be borne inmind 
how many workmeu of different trades are to be supplied with scien- 
tific works bearing on their respective trades. There must be mathe- 
matics, and the particular branches of it, applicable to the trades of 
sailors, shipwrights, watchmakers, working mechanics, millwrights, 
masons, and perspective for painters : botany for gardeners ; chem- 
istry for dyers, tanners, soapmakers, bleachers, brewers; anatomy 
for painters; comparative anatomy for farriers and blacksmiths ; min- 
eralogy for miners ; the whole circle of the sciences might be mention- 
ed, and none be out of place as applicable to trades and manufactures. 

For the use of those to whom science is not essential, for shoe- 
makers, weavers, tailors, for men of all trades, there is to be laid in 
a large and various stock for common use ; as history, sacred, eccle- 
siastical, civil, ancient and modern, and natural history, biography, 
voyages, travels; say general literature, extending admission to poe- 
try (exclude poetry, and Burns the ploughman, the first, if not so 
amongst the first of poets!); excluding not even novels, selecting-, 
however, the standard novels, adding Walter Scott's and Maria 
Edge worth's, and one or two others — works conveying a vast fund of 
information useful to all, and which thousands never think of seeking 
for in any other shape. 

Let no man startle at the proposed extent of the library. By lit- 
tle and little much may be done, and in time, by degrees, all be ac- 
complished. However, as a main part of the universal system, let 
not an enlarged and liberal selection according to means ever be lost 
sight of, because to great numbers of working men, the strict sciences 
are of no use, and to them general literature is every thing: and be- 
sides, it is no less important to those studying science, for it is a 
palpable truth that mathematics teach a man nothing but mathematics. 

As there are many minds to be instructed, so there ought to be 
as much diversity as possible in the funds of instruction — books. And 
if a system of general selection be not adopted, whichever class of 
readers is gratified by exclusive attention to their wants, whether the 
scientific at the expense of the general readers, that which by com- 
mon understanding was meaned for common use, is turned into a 
monopoly; a few are satisfied, the rest naturally dissatisfied — hence 
heartburnings, quarrels, disunion, and a breaking up of the society. 

But the library of a Mechanic's Institution is miserably deficient 
— -is altogether incomplete — unless it contains works on moral and 
political philosophy, which from its vast importance requires an ex- 
tended notice. 



20 

The science of metaphysics, treating on the -formation of ideas; 
paving existence in the mind only, and having form and meaning 
given to them by words, this science is necessary to the understand- 
ing of works treating on morals, on laws, and on the nature of go- 
vernment. As helps to aright understanding of such works, may be 
instanced John Locke's Essay on the Mind, and his smaller treatise 
on the conduct of the understanding, which is the germ of Isaac- 
Watts' more enlarged treatise on the improvement of the mind, not 
omitting David Hume's essays, of which it is wished an edition were 
published, leaving out the essays strictly treating on theological sub- 
jects, so as to leave the weak-minded, stirred up by hypocrites, no 
ground of cavil. And the same may be said of the political works of 
Thomas Paine, which are as clever as his theological are vile, base, 
and silly. 

The science of political economy, pointing out how good govern- 
ment may be most cheaply effected, by showing the best modes of 
applying the resources of nations to the conduct of national affairs, 
so as to produce the greatest aggregate of individual happiness, no 
Mechanic's Institution should be without " The Wealth of Nations/' 
that work above price of the " prince of political economists," Adam 
Smith. For those who dare not encounter Smith at first, there are 
excellent little books, and cheap withal, now in course of publica- 
tion, by one of the ornaments of her sex, Harriet Martineau. 

Works on morals and laws, and on the nature of government, are 
difficult of selection; — first, because the two latter have been mostly 
written on false principles ; — and second, because those principles 
have been treated in a way any thing but suited to popular apprehen- 
sion. An exception is Adam Smith's theory of moral sentiments; and 
William Paley's work on moral and political philosophy, as making a 
large stride towards right may be admitted. 

Law, until reformed, must be taken as it is, and so must its 
commentator, Judge William Blackstone, whose commentaries may 
stand side by side, but only side by side, with Jeremy Bentham's 
Fragments on Government, or a comment on the commentaries (his 
first work), and his Book of Fallacies: with this hint, it is adviseable 
to read the comment first, not forgetting the fallacies, in order to be 
on the guard against the gross errors in the principles of government 
contained in the commentaries of the courtly judge, whose method, 
and beautifully pure English style have created for him a popularity, 
of which, on true grounds, he is entirely undeserving. On practical 
law, may be added, the work popularly called Burn's Justice : laugh 
that laugh may at the idea; let them laugh : it is a book the unpaid 
magistracy of England, judging from their practice, have read only 
to misunderstand : let the horney-handed labouring classes of Eng- 
land read it to set them right ! 

On the making of laws in general, a science called jurisprudence, 
on a knowledge of the right principles of which so much of human 
happiness depends, in the works of an illustrious countryman already 
named — JEREMY BLCNTIIAM — the labouring classes regarding true 
principles, have all that can be desired, with but one drawback — a not 
faultless style. 

The memory of Bentham demands its tribute : thus it is paid : 
how best to promote the happiness of mankind was the study of his 



21 

Itfe, a labour of love : living, to the promotion of human wellbeing 
his every energy was devoted. Dying, what an affecting example 
hath he set in causing his body to be dissected, to overcome the pre- 
judice of the living against dissection of the dead : — prejudice, which 
the example of this good man will go far to eradicate: prejudice 
which We owe it as a duty to ourselves, to our fellow men — as the 
deepest and tenderest mark of affection towards those most dear to 
us— to conquer. Looking at Bentham's works, is to be seen pervad- 
ing the whole— that brightest emanation of divine being — benevo- 
lence — good will towards mankind. Human happiness he made the 
end of human pursuit; that principle actuated his every word, 
thought, and action; whatever Conduced to its attainment he adopted ; 
whatever opposed that attainment he rejected. As a man, his powers 
of mind have been rarely if ever equalled; but of this posterity are 
the judges, and the proof will be, in their acknowledgment that his 
name has been so bound up as to become identified with his own 
ever-enduring principle — the greatest happiness. By those who knew 
him, it is felt that no man, with better chances of success, ever sought 
at the hands of posterity a verdict of immortality. It is past doubt, 
for the very enunciation begets acceptance, that when the principles 
struck out by this good and great moral and political philosopher 
shall become known and understood, they Will govern the world : 
daily and hourly the period approaches ; yea, already, with a voice 
of thunder, the people of this land haVe proclaimed — The greatest 

HAPPINESS OF THE GREATEST NUMBER. 

In the formation of the Mechanics' Library, the principle con- 
tended for and inculcated, is that of universality of knowledge for the 
labouring classes, putting special weight on works on moral and poli- 
tical knowledge. 

On the principle of universality of knowledge will be presented 
to the labouring classes the means of gaining the knowledge relating 
to their callings, and that relating to their rights and duties as citizens, 
besides having a large fund of innocent and instructive enjoyment at 
command when worn out by daily toil; and why when the body is 
wearied by labour should not the labourer exercise the mind for re- 
laxation just as the literary man, fatigued by study, relaxes his mind 
by bodily exercise? Progress rests With individuals; that is, the use 
they make of their means. 

The utmost latitude of admission to elementary instruction and 
of the means of progress have been urged: follows of course freedom 
of discussion : how can these be made most useful ? 

The formation of News Rooms for the labouring classes vividly, 
and at once, strikes the mind— a feasible plan, and thus it may be 
done on a small scale. Seventy men by subscribing six shillings yearly, 
by quarterly payments of eighteen. pence, will be able to raise a fund 
of twenty pounds, or thereabouts; for this sum, paying for the use of 
a room, coals, candles, and attendance, they might have one daily 
and one weekly London paper, the Athenaeum a London journal of 
literature, and one or two provincial papers. With increased funds 
more might be done: one hundred and thirty four men, paying eigh- 
teen pence a-piece every three months, might have three daily London 
papers, besides a quarterly review, not the review so called, but the 
Westminster Review, which is the people's review. As subscriptions in- 

Q 



creased, more still might be done. It would not be a bad thing lo take, 
a paper on the second day from a publican, as many people do, 
and thus two or three papers might be had for the price of one com- 
ing direct. 

A word as to the choice of newspapers. It seems desirable that 
one morning' paper should be had, because containing at length the 
debates in Parliament, which all should see and read, to judge of the 
ability, honesty, and conduct of public men. Preference should be 
given to the ablest and honestest. Though none the better for its 
attempts at thick and thin Whig partizanship, the Morning Chronicle first 
offers itself under the able and enlightened editorship of John Black : 
its parliamentary, and other reports, are marked by precision and 
fairness : and it is least obnoxious to the charge of being conducted 
in a spirit of trading — not telling but selling the truth to the highest 
bidders, they who will buy. The True Sun, a new evening paper, as 
an able and unflinching advocate of truth and justice, takes the lead 
even of the Morning Chronicle, and richly merits popular support — 
the editor's name is John Bell. The Times is a paper of great but mis- 
applied talent. This is the truth. It has three editors, whose names 
are said to be Frazer, Stirling, and Barnes, the latter a school-fellow of 
that indomitable reformer, the kindly-hearted Leigh Hunt, whose mis- 
fortunes in these days of hope and success, reformers should ever 
bear in mind. But the Times has not been, and is not the paper of 
truth. It is at the beck of the greatest number of buyers, whom it 
flatters and cringes to; and, like all flatterers, it makes itself amends 
for its prostration, by bullying and abusing those it may safely bully 
and abuse with impunity — the non-buyers. So soon as the labouring 
classes, by union — co-operation— combination — become the greatest 
purchasers — being the most numerous body, they easily may — they 
will then command its tone, respect, and services — not else. 

An old friend, the cleverest political writer of the age, is not to 
be forgotten — William Cobbett. In his writings, perhaps, a greaj 
deal may be condemned, but there is much more meriting the highest 
praise. The man who wrote on Cottage Economy ; Straw Plat, and 
introduced it; Paper against Gold; A Year's Residence in America; 
and particularly a French and an English grammar, both the simplest 
hi method, clearest in style, and easiest to be understood, of any ever 
written — the author of such works as these can scarcely be too highly 
appreciated by his countrymen, one of whom cheerfully acknowledges 
his obligations. But may be said, friend Cobbett, if in nothing else, 
thou art aristocratic in the price of thy Political Register ; not that 
iis high price is more than it is worth, but because we, who are poor 
men, cannot afford to buy. 

The Examiner is essentially the paper of the people. It conceals, 
it tells nothing for the sake of sale. Corruption it exposes always, 
sparing no man, no class of men. It serves up none of the garbage 
of the press — accounts of fights, and other brutalities, as distorted police 
reports, and scandal of nobility and mobility. It is a paper of princi- 
ples and opinions, wrought out with a power, an ability, and above 
all, an honesty which every man may understand, and which no man 
can possibly mistake. The editor is Albany Fonblanque. To the 
truth of this character of the Examiner, Blackwood's Magazine, under 
Processor Wilson — Frazer's Magazine, and the Standard news. 



2-J 

paper, under Doctor Magjinn, clever advocates "of the fiercest 'aniU 
popular feelings and principles, bear ampla testimony. Every twelve 
labouring men by subscribing a- piece three shillings a year, may 
have amongst them the reading of this paper, and no news-room of 
the labouring classes should be without it. 

When the funds admit, holding fast those papers noted for prin- 
ciple and ability, a general selection should be made, to see what is 
said on all sides, for in the conflict of opinions truth is hit out. 

The tax on newspapers falls heaviest on the labouring classes; 
respecting them, as regards the mind, it is in effect the same as a 
tax on the necessaries of life, as regards the body, ignorance and 
starvation. No ignorance : no starvation : therefore no substitution 
of other taxes, but get rid of botb taxes as soon as possible. 

The advantages of a news-room to the labouring classes are 
avoidance of the ale house: affording means to judge for themselves 
of public men and transactions; and bringing into use the moral and 
political philosophy of the library in forming such judgments. 

In the way spoken of has been shown what may be done. Let 
every man club his mite, and it is done. 

Another use springing from Mechanics' Institutions, is their ready 
adaptation to the formation of societies, for want of a better name, 
call them " Societies for the discussion of moral and political 'philo- 
sophy" that the labouring classes, having the materials of knowledge, 
may be able to use them in giving proper and intelligible verbal ex- 
pression to their sentiments. 

Admitted the right and propriety of men meeting to improve 
themselves in the first part of essential knowledge, what earthly ob- 
jection can there be to their meeting to improve their morals and poli- 
tics ? Why meet to solve a question of arithmetic, and not one of 
political economy; of moral duty; of political opinions; of good and 
bad government ? 

It may be said on these subjects, the labouring classes are igno- 
rant. It is answered just so, and to get rid of that ignorance let 
them meet. Because of ignorance of arithmetic, they meet, or they 
continue in ignorance. In meeting to learn arithmetic, in time, some 
at first, all in time, may arrive at knowledge of it. Trying to learn, 
they may succeed : never trying, success is impossible. As to the 
applicability of this reasoning*, excepting that arithmetic is not poli- 
tical economy, how stands it ? As applicable to the one as to the 
other, or to neither. 

The object aimed at by the formation of Mechanics' and Agri- 
cultural Institutions, News Rooms, and Discussion Societies, is — the 
instruction of the ignorant of the labouring classes who desire to 
know, and who have not the means of knowing general — scientific — > 
moral — and political knowledge. 

At the bare mention of politics, starts up an objector with— 
" How ! The labouring classes ! Surely it is not meaned to give 
them political information ? Dubious it is, if should be given ele- 
mentary instruction : extremely doubtful it is, if scientific knowledge, 
should be given : of political knowledge the denial is universal : nay 
so many respectable persons think if even reading and writing, (give 
the impulse, who or what is to stop it?) were let alone, it would be 
none the worse : really the rest is not to be thought of." 



24 

In the statement of the objection is seen, in undisguise, the 
system of the advocates of the partial and general ignorance of the 
many, that the few may profit by it. The answer to it consists in 
giving the system its right name, which shatters it to atoms. Here it 
is : — Behold the dog in the manger system ! 

Sifted as it may have been by others, sifted as it has been in 
every possible way, and of the denial of knowledge in part, or in 
whole, the conclusion come to is this; for himself each man sees and 
feels the necessity, the uses, the advantages of knowledge : and he 
cannot but see equal necessity, use, and advantage to all men, unless 
he be blinded by passion the most powerful that actuates human 
beings- — selfishness. Knowledge good for one good for all, this, if 
he have reasonable perception — in his inmost soul man can no more 
deny than his existence. The instant knowledge has been acquired, 
its infinite advantage is so strongly felt, selfishness forthwith suggests 
and urges the denial of it to all others. This is true of men in all 
ranks of life. And they who are just raised above the labouring clas- 
ses, make a gross mistake, if they suppose the classes above them do 
not look on their intelligence with an eye as jealous as their own on 
those below them : certain it is, if it were in the power of the upper 
classes, exclusion would be made the rule, until knowledge centered 
in the few ; and of those few there would be found one eager to com- 
bat, until he had put down all knowledge under his feet — that its ad- 
vantages might be all his own ; and of such a tyrant Napoleon Bona- 
parte was no unapt prototype 

Asked it is, why should not every man have political knowledge ? 
Do not the operations of government afreet the labourer and the non- 
labourer in equal degree ? Surely : for whether a man has much or 
little, he has equal interest in the making of good laws, not because 
of much or little, but because of the right to full and peaceable enjoy- 
ment of whatever he has, and therefore the making of good laws is 
an equal concern, and the equal right of rich and poor alike. Good 
Jaws are the essence of good government. And in doing that which 
conduces to good government, which is most likely to effect it — igno- 
rance or knowledge of the means ? Dare any man, out of St. Luke's 
without a keeper, be bold enough to prove his fitness for himseif of 
such an habitation and attendance, as to cry ignorance, partial or 
total ? 

But ignorance is cried. Well— how then ? Tell the man travel- 
ling an unknown road his ignorance is his safest and surest guide. 
How does it sound ? Absurdly enough. Yet they who say this are 
not more foolish and unreasonable, than they are who, directly or 
indirectly, denying political information to the labouring classes, 
have the conscience to make the monstrous demand, that the people 
shall be obedient good subjects without suffering them to know how ! 

Pass on now to the sneerers asking— what! are all men then to 
be prime ministers? 

Not so: and here is the the reasonable why not so. As all men 
should know something of mathematics, not to be mathematicians, 
but to be able to reason strictly, so should they have political infor- 
mation, not to be governors, but to know the duties of governors and 
uf governed, and so be good subjects. 

Prime ministers indeed ! But why not, should fortune favour, 



25 

as for long she has favoured, without consideration of moral or phy- 
sical aptitude, so many sprung from the labouring classes ? Such 
ambitious end is not the end proposed by the advocates of the diffu- 
sion of political knowledge. Simply their end is, to enable men by 
political knowledge, not to become prime ministers, but to judge 
rightly of the checks necessary to keep prime ministers in order. True 
it is, some bne must be prime minister : — what matters it who it is 
if he have appropriate aptitude, and whether that is more likely to be 
met with amongst fe^v than many needs no arguing. 

Besides, protection of his own is as much a man's duty as respect- 
ing the rights of others. Igriorant of his own, how shall he know 
and respect the rights of others ? If the intention is not to transgress, 
how can he help it who knows not the boundary of his neighbour's 
land ? In this common case, ignorance palpably destroys the good 
intention, aiid works the mischief the worst intention could do. Re- 
garding ignorance or knowledge of politics the inference is plain. 

One groundless fear of the result of knowledge is, that it will 
make the labouring classes dissatisfied with their station, 

It is not asked are they satisfied now, ignorant as they are pre- 
sumed to be; but can they be more dissatisfied than they are? And 
has it never occurred to the dreaders of knowledge, whether or no 
ignorance or knowledge of the causes, and of the right means of 
removing dissatisfaction, is the more likely to prevent the appre- 
hended mischief? 

By the rule applied to the labouring classes, what yearly shoals 
of Newtons should not Cambridge produce ! Not Newtons, but such 
as they are," does what they know set them upon having so many 
masterships of the mint? Any such idea, any such motive actuating 
university men, even the knowledge alarmists scout. They know 
well, and admit if all were Newtons, the distinction of being one 
would cease, and men go on as before. If, as often remarked, the 
labouring classes were equally informed, is it not clear the being 
knowing would cease to be a distinction, and all being on a level, 
things go on just as before ? Besides, has It never struck the know- 
ledge-causing-dissatisfaction arguers, that if their very good allies the 
Diffusion Society, could of the labouring classes make every man a 
perfect mathematician, what would be the simple consequence? 
That that sort of knowledge, without other means, is certainly bounded 
by the want of those means. Regarding scientific, and regarding- 
political knowledge, the result would not be greatly different. 

A word now of discussion. Discussion should be as limitless as 
are the subjects of discussion : this latitude most men assume for 
themselves, but deny to others— error the plea, forgetting that the 
individual setting up himself as the standard of right, is as liable to 
error as any number of individuals doing the same thing. 

Is it not clear that error entertained by one, few, or many* and 
incidental to discussion as to all things human, must be corrected by 
reason and truth elicited by discussion? If not, it is possible truth 
may rule, but so may error; but which, chance alone directs. The 
human mind, naturally bended on inquiry, whether for good or evil, 
is open to receive every argument offered, of the goodness or badness 
of which, in contempt of question, reason in the last resort decides. 
To reason, it is true, all minds are not equally pervious; but accord- 

H 



26 

ing to the degree of ability io perceive and receive reasons, decisions 
are formed. 

In matters of law, of government, of religion, it is not this or 
that opinion that can injure one man, because the directly reverse 
opinion is held by another. The truth is, if one assume the right of 
controlling the opinions of another, the right, if any right there be at 
all, must be open to both; because if the opinion of one individual be 
hurtful to one other individual of another opinion, it is self-evident 
the hurtfulness of difference of opinion is reciprocal. Hence, then, 
if of difference of opinion the result be injury, that injury is recipro- 
cal, and if there be such a thing as justice, inevitably so must the de- 
fence against it be reciprocal, which induces clearly and fairly, past 
contradiction, — freedom of thought, freedom of discussion. 

It matters not whether one, few, or many exercise the unjust 
power, (such it has been proved), of suppressing opinion. On prin- 
ciple, any such power possessed by one, few, or many, is equally 
indefensible : for whether exercised by a despot over slaves— by aris- 
tocratic classes over all beneath them, as it is in this country — or, as 
it is no where, (least of all is it my aim that so it should be), by the 
labouring classes over those above them—the exercise of any such, 
power is tyranny, and being tyranny, cannot be the rule of right. 

Either the labouring classes have rights and duties to protect, and 
perform, or they have not. If they have not, then are they slaves. 
If they have rights and duties, then have they right, and it is their 
duty to know them. 

Friends of partial, enemies of all knowledge, think you, if know- 
ledge is dreaded— is ignorance to be less dreaded? Truly, in one 
direction are the interests of all men. If selfishness do not break in, 
all goes well. If selfishness do break in, the frame of society is broken 
to pieces; — what are the chances? That in remedying the mischief, 
ignorance (selfishness its parent) will not take the right course, but 
treat, just as unjust, truth as untruth, to the confusion of right and 
wrong — the evil which, to speak practically, political corruption has 
wrought. Is it likely, that men in ridding themselves of intolerable 
evil, would re-create it in another shape if they knew how to avoid it? 
Should not the public spoiiator — the advocate of partial ignorance — 
.should not each bethink himself that his cherished ignorance will, on 
the one hand, as little respect what is just as what is unjust, and on 
the other, as little listen to truth as to untruth? Knowledge of jus- 
tice would teach respect for justice; abolish injustice it might and it 
ought: ignorance would confound all things, and its power is bound- 
less if the multitude be ignorant; and never man spoke truth if 
William Paley did not, when he said that " the physical strength 
resides in the governed," at once a plea and a motive for giving right 
< ection to the minds of the many, by affording the means of acquir- 
ing " knowledge which is power" — knowledge that disarms physical 
strength of its terrors, its supposed tendencies to mischief, by giving 
to it right direction. 

Brother members and friends! Freely canvass what I have ad - 

essed to you — as freely as I have spoken ; if reasonably, adopt it ; 

if otherwise, eschew it. In seeking redress of wro.ig, it would be 

paltering to let it be supposed that is not our object; let me impress 

on your minds the lesson taught by our brethren of Birmingham — 



27 

PEACE. But what, say you, is wrong to be submitted to, if right 
be denied ? Freemen, asking that question of a freeman, can have 
but one answer— NO. What then? From our injured brethren of 
Ireland learn, I say, the invincible virtue of PASSIVE RESIST- 
ANCE. With thanks for the patient attention with which I have 
been heard ; and, in asking that, with like patient attention, what I 
have said may be read, I conclude. 



THE END, 



Note. — It may be necessary, after what has been said of the Lord Brougham 
and Vaux, to add a few words in explanation. Of his surpassing ability as a 
man, of his personal qualities in private intercourse, I have now, as I always 
had, unfeigned admiration and sincere esteem. Up to a certain period in poli- 
tics, his Lordship had no warmer supporter, certainly none more disinterested 
than myself. Had I known then, as I know now, from Dumont's Recollections 
of Mirabeau, that his Lordship, from the beginning, was a cherished and fos- 
tered protegee of the aristocracy, most probably I should have been more 
guarded. As it was, I looked upon him as the honest maintainer of a popular 
principle ; when he departed from that principle I departed from him, and in 
doing so my consistency regarding what I have said formerly of Henry Brougham, 
and what I have now said of the Lord Brougham and Vaux, remains unim^ 
peached. Personal disrespect I am incapable of offering, but when principle 
demands it, no earthly consideration shall restrain me from speaking what I think. 



Whitehaven; printed by James Cook, 114, Queen Street. 



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